Longmore on The Worthy Poor
FROM AN INTERVIEW WITH Paul Longmore, 1997
The problem of modern social welfare policies in the 19th
and 20th centuries comes to be how do you define, how do you
identify, who's worthy of relief and who's unworthy? The assumption
of poor relief and modern social welfare policies was that somebody
with a real disability must be incapacitated for work. But then
you have to weed out from among that group those who may be faking
their disabilities or not have a disability significant enough
that they're incapable of working. There's an assumption that
there are going to be a lot of people who are trying to manipulate
the system, trying to fake their way out of the job market, and
into what one scholar has called the "need-based" system.
The result is that over a long period of time various kinds of
measurements and standards of eligibility are formulated, and
this is why social welfare policies resorted to a medical definition
of disability, hoping that it could provide some kind of scientific
precision, and quantifiable measurement of disability, so that
it could be effectively and objectively determined who was eligible.
They're saying that people with what we would now call medical
conditions, people with these physical conditions, are probably
incapable of taking care of themselves. So, they would be entitled
to poor relief, to home relief. They're the worthy poor, the dependent
poor.
There are two assumptions in the phrase "worthy poor," I think.
One is that there are unworthy poor people, who, it's assumed,
are poor because of some kind of willfulness, perversity, laziness,
refusal to be productive and support themselves. They're the able-bodied
poor. They're usually categorized that way, too. They're not worthy
of social aid in the form of poor relief, and they
need to be disciplined and controlled, and forced back into the
labor market. The other assumption is, that the so-called worthy
poor are people who are incapacitated and incapable of supporting
themselves, probably due to sickness, disability, or old age.
And what happens, more and more as time goes on, is that those
so-called worthy poor are in their own way stigmatized. They become
the embodiment, literally the embodiment,
of the opposite of what legitimate members of society are supposed
to be. They become the epitome of incapacity and social incompetency
and of dependency, and if there's anything that's devalued in
American culture, it is and always has been dependency. It would
be hard to exaggerate the degree to which independence, autonomy,
self-sufficiency, are valued and rewarded in American culture,
and the degree to which people who are defined as dependent are
devalued in this society.
If you're going to try to keep poor people who are allegedly able
to work out of the welfare system and in the job market by saying
the worthy poor are those who are incapable of work, because of
illness or disability, then what you also have to do is make sure
that it's just as hard for those sick or disabled people to get
out of the welfare system and back into the job market as it is
for people to get into the welfare system in the first place.
It has to be really hard, and stigmatized, to become eligible
for poor relief or welfare, and it also has to be very hard for
you, once you've been qualified as disabled, and therefore incapable
of working, to get back into the job market.
And that, in fact, has been the history of social welfare for
people with disabilities. The policies had built into them, for
a long time, what had euphemistically been called "work disincentives."
They're penalties for people who are disabled, and who are recipients
of that assistance, they're penalized, if they try to work productively. |
 |